M: Secret redeployment/M

Following Operation Kaal, there has been major escalations by both the People's Republic of China and Pakistan, but of more concern is the recent actions taken by Pakistan. In response to this dramatic escalation following their recent government coup, the Indian Armed Forces will be re-organizing itself to counter the threats.

Elements of the IV Corps has already been deployed to our Northern border, and elements of the II Corps have been deployed to the Western Theater. Given the dramatic escalation, we will have to move more units along our borders. At present, we will be operating with the Northern Theater and Western Theater given current state of affairs.

Northern Theater

The IV Corps (8th Mountain Division, 23rd Mountain Division, 57th Mountain Division) has been redeployed from Bangladesh, taking up position in Arunachal Pradesh (primarily focused on Tawang, Se La Pass, Bum La Pass, Along, and Ziro), Assam and Brahmaputra Valley (primarily focused on Tezpur and Dibrugarh), Nagaland and Manipur (Kohima and Imphal), and finally Meghalaya and Tripura. The Assam Rifles was also deployed to be called up for guarding the border. Joining the IV Corps will be the 69th Armored Regiment, and the XXXIII Corps (20th Mountain Division, 6th Mountain Division, 71st Mountain Brigade). The 5th and 20th Mountain Divisions were already positioned to guard against Chinese incursions and were positioned in Arunachal Pradesh and in the Northeast Frontier Agency. We will also be deploying the 21st Infantry Division, 23rd Infantry Division, and 6th Mountain Division to defend our Northwest borders with China.

Western Theater

While most of these units have already been deployed due to the war, and have remained deployed in spite of the ceasefire, the II Corps will be moved to reinforce our units here. In addition, the 50th Parachute Brigade will be consolidated in Central India in order to be prepared for strategic deployment across both theaters if required.

Both theaters will retain their remaining reserve units. Paramilitary units will be called upon to guard key installations throughout India, and Territorial Home Guard units will also be called up to provide security with so much of the military forces deployed. Border units will be working closely with military units in order to help coordinate efforts. The Indian Air Force will be made ready to provide air to ground support, or to keep the skies clear of enemy aircraft. Regular patrol sorties will be conducted along the Northern and Western borders. The Indian Navy will be return to port, resupplying before being sent out on patrols, with a re-focus on the Western Theater with Pakistan. While we are waiting for actions by China or Pakistan, we will pre-position supplies, ammunition, and fuel in forward areas in order to improve logistics for our forces. We will also be deploying artillery to cover key passes and choke points as another layer of defense. All commands, and units will be put on high alert. There is no reason we should be caught off guard at this point, and all of our units will be ready for action.

(I figured Pakistan would've done this already since Jan but I'll post this just in case)

Pakistan's Armed Forces enter a full military mobilization. Any and all servicemen on leave are immediately called back to serve their homeland. All established positions along Pakistan's eastern border [Sindh, Punjab, Kashmir] are to be manned to their fullest realistic extent immediately, and Pakistan's Air Force and Naval assets are to be put placed on maximum readiness. Non essential public events are cancelled nationwide and citizens are informed to prepare for martial law to extend across the whole nation.

Allah bless His Islamic Republic.

Romans 14:13: Therefore let us stop passing judgment on one another. Instead, make up your mind not to put any stumbling block or obstacle in the way of a brother or sister.

A debate has started in the Government Council today. The Topic of the Discussion is the Order's Position with the Communist Bloc. As the Body in charge of studying political, religious, humanitarian assistance and international issues, this falls into their Domain. The verbal contest of Ideas is inspired, but not too heated. Two Points of View have emerged among the profressed Knights present:

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1 - We must reach beyond:

The Lords light shines beyond the Iron Curtain. The Communist Ideology is regretful and has acted against the Church in many harsh and violent Ways - yet is not the Lords faith one of Mercy? Did He not say "Love thy fellow man"? The Order was founded on the principle to care for the sick and poor no matter their faith or race. Now, Ideology has been added to this sentence- only because one is a socialist / communist, he doesn't deserve Help from Sickness and Poverty? This is an un-christian Position. The USSR is unlikely to retaliate against a diplomatic contact anyway.

2 - The Iron Curtain is a Barrier:

The USSR and the Eastern Bloc are inaccesible to the Order. The Soviet Union stands as a state atheist monolith that has wielded violent State Power against the Orthodox Faithful for years. Following the Second World War, this was expanded to the entire Eastern Bloc. Whilst the Order is founded on helping all Peoples, it is likewise founded on defending the Faith. This must not be forsaken - the Faith must be the Center of our Thinking. A reachout to the Eastern Bloc must be avoided.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

These two Conclusions will be submitted to the Sovereign Council to be debated further.

Parliament Building, Capital Hill

June 2025

Overview

Australia's Liberal-Country Coalition has been in power for 19 years, and nine elections in a row. The wheels, it seems, have finally come off. The 1969 election was a close one, with the charismatic Reformist Gough Whitlam, and his Labour Party, looking like they might carry. The Liberal-County coalition under McMahon, held on, however.

1972 came with it an increasing sense that the reactionary and quiet-mannered McMahon, could not match the effervescent Whitlam. Several exchanges in Parliament left McMahon reeling, and Australians had the impression he had no answers to Whitlam's program of popular reforms.

The attempt to use a jobs creation deal with McDonnell Douglas and new jets as reward for selling America's strategic South Asian ally Pakistan, amdist a military coup, was the last straw. McMahon resigned, not standing for this election, leaving Deputy PM Doug Antony to face the election as leader of the Liberal Party, and a coalition appearing to have had its day.

Results

This map shows the state of the Victory, with a strong majority now in the House of Representatives. Due to Australia's Preferred Voting System, the final count is:

• Labour - 70
• Coalition - 55
  • Liberal - 35
  • Country - 20

Because of the Senate resignations over the scandal 14 Senate seats held by Liberal Senators were also up for election, although not the whole Senate. The byelections results in eight seats returning to the Liberal Party under their new holders; and six seats going over to Labour. In addition, Neville Bonner, the Country's first Senator of Aboriginal descent, left the Liberal Party and now sits as an Independent. The total Senate picture then, is the following:

• Labour - 32
• Coalition - 19
  • Liberal - 15
  • Country - 4
• Independent / Other - 9

Thus Labour gains a majority in the Senate of 32-28 in favour of the new Government.

Ramifications

Gough Whitlam and his Labour Party have decisively transformed the landscape for Australian politics. Promising to bring in ambitious, sweeping reforms, Whitlam has been a firebrand in Parliament, and a campaigner for Australian issues and global issues, calling for a great modern realignment. A berief overview of his main Policies, which could be called an "Australian Third Way":

• Exit the Vietnam War, remove Conscription
• Recognise the PRC and establish diplomatic relations with China
• Expand national Education and Healthcare programs along Democratic Socialist principles, including free university places
• Expand and legally protect civil liberties, especially women's rights
• A consolidation of more powers in the hands of Parliament, rather than the Senate
• An end to Australia's policies of discrimination in favour of Whites; with legal protections for Aboriginees, immigrants from non-white countries, barring racially discriminatory Sports teams, etc
• Abolishing the death penalty, enacting legal aid
• Investment programs in public transport, especially rail
• Change the National Anthem and get rid of "God Save the Queen"

While the conference was once winding down, chaos erupts at the last minute. The ground shifts beneath the feet of MONIMA, who is forced to do whatever they can to stay on top.

• While it is unclear exactly what has transpired, it appears AREMA has secured a huge amount of aid from one of their communist backers. Receiving more aid from communist countries than from the West, this elicits a sudden Red surge within the country. What's the point in whoring out to the West if they aren’t making up for their imperialism with more aid?
  
• MONIMA loses their outright majority, and to maintain control of the conference coalitions with PSD. To ease the concerns of the communists, MONIMA makes several concessions. They agree to help implement some land reform within the country, to encourage foreign investments to be cooperatives and to strengthen the power of worker’s unions. To entrench themselves with PSD, they have reduced changes to the existing Malagasy constitution. It will now mostly remain intact, with some restrictions to who is allowed to stand for office and some restricting of rights of assembly and press where they conflict with state interests.
  
• The swelling of the communist tide bursts the dam of AREMA’s umbrella. Two new communist factions split off and gained permission to run in the country’s elections. The communists are the largest total faction, but less than the coalition of PSD and MONIMA combined. Their split nature also means that while they will be well represented in the legislature, their power won’t quite translate to presidential elections.
  
• The Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar (AFKM) is the more popular of the two. They are less focused on agricultural development than AREMA, and still favor soliciting foreign investment in the country unlike the more isolationist AREMA. While once openly more Leninist in the vein of the French communist party, it seems they have quickly changed their tune.
  
• The Popular Movement of All Madagascar (MPTM) is a communist party heavily focused around regionalism. They wish to shift away from the National Assembly and instead have the party and its chairman direct everything as they see fit, transforming Madagascar into a Communist Dictatorship.

1 June, 1972

In a glorious victory to the Arab Socialist revolution, the Revolutionary Command Council has officially announced the nationalization of all Iraq Petroleum Company activities, the role of which will be taken by the state-owned Iraq National Oil Company.

Minister of Oil Saʿdūn Ḥammādī spoke to Al-Thawra, stating that he is "...quite confident that the Iraq National Oil Company can now use all of Iraq's natural resources to her own benefit, to no benefit of imperialists..."

Celebrations have taken place in Baghdad, Basra, and various other Iraqi cities by all elements of Iraqi society in celebration of another victory for the guardians of the 17 July Revolution.

Pavarësi: Agricultural Transition to State Enterprises

RTSH: Albanian State Media Bulletin - Shehu Government Announces Beginning of Agricultural Transition to State-Owned Enterprises

Pavarësi and State Enterprises

Comrade Hoxha sees State Enterprises as the next step for efficient coordination of productive forces. Already the agricultural labor power in Albania is concentrated in scatted collective farms across the landscape. However, latent inefficiencies have emerged, where there is considerable duplicity in production. If every collective farm is growing to maintain their own island of Pavarësi (Self-Sufficiency), there is a failure to serve the total labor power of the nation- including its cities. Thus far, Albania has been successful in transporting excess production to the cities, however should a famine strike, there could be too little food, or lack of general food variety, to speak of- and the entire nation will feel the impacts. The cities also provide an importance to the entire proletariat struggle in Albania, they provide the organization of labor relations, and run the efficient people's state, maintain foreign relations, and in many cases- produce the very equipment used at our many farms. A walking man requires both legs to render forward momentum, without one leg or the other, he falls or his forward momentum is exponentially hindered. This is also true regarding the state of Pavarësi in Albania. Without food for our cities, the state does not function, the factories do not produce, the equipment on the farms is not replaced and the cycle continues. Therefore, for Pavarësi to continue to succeed, we must account for the foreseen, but unwelcome events, like famine. By pure logical process, Albania must elevate the sophistication of its central-planning process. To accomplish this feat, Albania must embrace the model of state-owned enterprises for its agricultural system. These enterprises, will be owned by the proletariat, and staffed by the proletariat- the collective farms will still keep their workers and equipment, but many collective farms together will operate under a proletariat state enterprise. Such an enterprise, under guidance of the state, will coordinate its collective farms, labor power and means of production to produce product for the good of all Albanian proletariat. Perhaps certain farms will grow grapes, and different crops at different times, as applicable to the soil, and other enterprises will grow things like tobacco. This will prevent latent inefficiencies where every collective grows eggplants, yet none remain for our comrades in Elbasan who make steel, for example, when a dreadful famine or disaster strikes. Further, such a system will allow, by nature of enterprise planning of labor power, will increase relations of productions across farms, cities, and businesses, giving all Albanian proletariat a wider access to further human contact throughout the nation- which will result in more families and greater brother and sisterhood between comrades.

Ministry of State Planning

The Ministry of State Planning is a necessity to effectively manage all productive resources of the state. With state-owned enterprises in agriculture, light, heavy, and military industries, separating the central planning resources across government ministries, is wildly inefficient, an abuse of proletariat resources and frankly- anti-Marxist. The Ministries of Agriculture, Light and Food Industry, and Industry will be merged into a single Ministry of State Planning. Comrade Pirro Dodbiba has been selected as the Minister of State Planning in a show of gratitude by the proletariat. Accordingly, the Ministry of State Planning will subsume the responsibilities of its former respective ministries, setting production targets, organizing labor power, fielding and repairing equipment, determining required state investment, selecting leadership for the state enterprises, and interfacing with the state enterprises for their needs and progress on objectives. This ministry is of crucial importance to Albania, but so were each of the formerly independent ministries. By bringing all of these firms under one roof, bureaucratic work can be streamlined to the simple objectives laid out for the ministry itself- the wants and needs of the national economy will flow through the ministry, and the ministry will direct its resources and attention accordingly.

Collective Farm Assignment to State Enterprises

All current collective farms in Albania will be assigned to their new respective state-owned enterprises. The labor and equipment belonging to these collective farms will remain. The state-owned enterprises will have the latitude to organize its labor, equipment, and production accordingly to meet its objectives set by the Ministry of State Planning. Their boards will be selected by the Ministry of State Planning, all coming from recommendations by the Albanian Worker's Party. Some of the largest agricultural state enterprises created are as follows:

• Albanian National Tobacco

• Albanian State Livestock Corporation

• People's Grain and Starch Corporation

• Albanian National Fruit and Vegetable Corporation

• Albanian State Sugar

The Greek Cypriot paramilitary group EOKA-B has consented to a ceasefire with the Republic of Cyprus and signed on to a framework for normalization. EOKA-B has agreed to halt its violent operations on the island against the administration of Makarios III. This decision precedes the upcoming national referendum that will determine the future of Cyprus. EOKA-B, formed by General Georgios Grivas, has previously conducted a series of attacks aimed at achieving enosis; his objective continues to be supported by a majority of the Greek Cypriot population but has historically been deemphasized by President Makarios’ government.

The ceasefire is believed to guarantee only a temporary halt to the group's violent resistance. EOKA-B has stated that it will respect the referendum's outcome, but several sources from within the group have claimed that a permanent ceasefire and integration into the Cypriot National Guard will only occur if the vote favors enosis.

The upcoming referendum presents two choices to the people of Cyprus: "We demand the union with Greece" or "We are against the union of Cyprus with Greece." Supporters of enosis, particularly those in EOKA-B and many factions within the military, have, especially since 1967, lost confidence in the Makarios government's dedication to the cause of enosis, given his non-aligned and pro-independence policies. However, the president publically claims that he supports enosis and maintains that the referendum is the most viable and least risky opportunity to realize their dream of unification with the Hellenic Republic.

In past years, the ZiJ, which does social research and statistics collection within the DDR, has measured and researched the unfortunate practice of suicide within the DDR. In recent years the rate of suicide, especially among certain demographics, has risen to concerning levels. Out of concern of this information discouraging people, the ZiJ’s studies on suicide were curtailed some years ago. 

Within the Politburo, however, concerns have been raised that a lack of modern information on this problem makes it difficult to address it and some other social ills that have come to light recently. With this in mind, Minister Arno Donda has been convinced to resume the studies. Starting next year, the ZiJ will resume its research on the rates of suicide within East Germany, as well as causes and related phenomena. This data will be made available to the Politburo, their ministries, and some selected academics. 

Below is an overview of the key agreements established under the Treaty of Economic and Technological Cooperation between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This treaty, signed in January 1972, reflects the commitment of both nations to foster economic growth, technological advancement, and enduring socialist solidarity.

Here are the major provisions of the treaty:

Energy Cooperation Agreement
China agrees to collaborate with the DPRK to construct 20 small hydroelectric power plants to electrify rural and key regions of the DPRK.

China will assist in the development of a large coal mine in South Pyongan Province, alongside the construction of a coal-fired power plant near the mine to ensure efficient energy production.

Industrial Modernization Agreement
China will supply heavy machinery for the DPRK’s steel and manufacturing sectors and dispatch Chinese experts to assist with installation and operational oversight.

Agricultural Development Agreement
China will provide agricultural equipment, including tractors and irrigation systems, and supply chemical fertilizers to improve food production in the DPRK. Additionally, Chinese technicians will train DPRK personnel in modern farming techniques.

Transportation Infrastructure Agreement
China will support the modernization of 800 kilometers of railway lines within the DPRK, with a focus on connecting industrial zones, coal mines, and power plants.

The PRC will provide locomotives and spare parts to enhance logistical and industrial transport capabilities.

Rain pattered away against the window pains as the intelligence officer typed away at his weekly report. It had been a relatively slow week on the London desk, bomb threats were minimal, no assassination or abduction plots, even the KGB were seemingly taking the week off with next to no activity on the wire taps.

He sighed. This new chair was playing hell with his back, and he was out of cigarettes as well, what a miserable night to be stuck in the office. Well he would be done soon he supposed, just the last few lines and he could finally get home to his bed.

ca-thunk**

"Bollocks."

The typewriter tape was completely jammed, typical he thought. He pulled open his draw and lo, the tape box was as barren as the Sahara. Sighing yet again, he pushed his chair back and got up, his spine protesting with the action. He grabbed his now empty packet of cigarettes and tossed them into the waste paper basket as he left his room and turned into the incandescent light of the corridor. The place was an absolute dump, he doubted it had even seen a fresh coat of paint in all the years the service had occupied the damn place. Almost lost in his thoughts as he trudged along to the stores, he was suddenly pulled back to reality by an unexpected sight, briefing room three had its lights on?

Hands in his pocket, he cautiously and with piqued curiosity sidled up the ajar door and lent his ear in to listen.

"... and that's why we need to do something now for christ's sake, the bloody communists are just waiting for the Fabians to get into number 10 and they'll turn the entire country over to Moscow."

He tensed. He knew that voice.

"You don't need to convince me of that, do you think I'd be sat here if I didn't already know the risk that fool Wilson poses? I want to know what you plan to do about him."

Christ. He knew that voice too, who else was in there, could he risk a glance?

"Gentlemen, please, let's not lose our heads. We all know the stakes, and we all know what needs to be done. Now, if you would be so kind as to listen to what Marquis has to say here, I think you will find our initial plans to be most... illuminating."

Oh fuck. He didn't have to look now.

He carefully but hastily backed away from the briefing room, headed straight to the stores and was back at his desk with a fresh tape in minutes. In as much time his report was finished and in his Section Heads pigeon hole, not that he would see it, because he was still in Briefing room 3....

Discontent grows within the heart of the British security services, only the Lord knows what this could all mean for the future of democracies royal bastion.

New orders for the Tanzanian Army:

Most of the Tanzanian army has been positioned directly on the Border of Burundi since the escalation of tensions earlier this year. However, the chance of conflict spilling over the border, or an outright Burundian invasion becoming ever more remote, it has been decided that a majority of the army will be repositioned outside of the "crimson line" approximately 50 km out from Burundi's borders

Small units, usually not more than a dozen men each, will remain along the border to help move refugees into newly constructed camps, like Nduta and Nyarugusu.

It is of paramount importance that Ezechias Biyorero and his allies get to Nduta. Small units along the border should remain watchful for any unexpected movements, or any uptick in revolutionary activity.

In addition, impromptu landing platforms should be made just over the "crimson line" four our recently received Z-5s, and the army should be prepared to march back to the border at a moment's notice

April, 1972.

With the reapproachment between Syrian and Iraqi branches of the Baath parties, Al Assad believed that he could relax his guard and engage in a positive manner. The Syrian Branch had been trying to infiltrate the PLO and its militias for years at this point, competing not only against Communists and Nationalists, but also Iraqi Baathists. The Arab Liberation Front had become dominant, relegating the As Sa'iqa to background group.

Loose ends.

While Syria technically controlled As Sa'iqa, the reality in the ground is different. The group would be sacrificed in the altar of reconciliation between Syria and Iraq, After hours of meetings, discussions and tension with members of the Military High Command, the Syrian government officially sent the telegram to the leadership of As Sa'iqa to merge with the ALF.

The "petition" was followed by an offer to expand fundinng of the organization as well as training of its officer corp and soldiers. While this would reduce Syrian influence, Al Assad hoped to use this as a bargaining chip during the August Congress. He was stretching his relationship with the rather militant Syrian Military, a gamble allbeit small.

BioCuba Farma

Havana, Cuba - May, 1972

In order to sustain a publicly funded healthcare system, Cuba will need to develop a strong pharmaceutical base to supplement the nation’s consumption of medications, with the core goal being to produce affordable medications. To lead this effort, the government will be forming BioCuba Farma, which will be a state run pharmaceutical meant to develop the nation’s capabilities,with Fidel Castro proudly announcing the nation’s intention to invest the equivalent of $1 billion dollars over the next 20 years into the industry.

BioCuba Farma will primarily operate as a “corporate” arm of the Centro Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas (CNIC). CNIC will act as a feeder for the state-run pharmaceutical company, and will be expanded by opening an additional 3,000 slots in research positions across various disciplines over the next 5 years. CNIC functions currently as a post-graduate facility to develop high-skilled scientists taught by both Cuban and Foreign staff, will see massive expansion from that will be supplemented by an increasing flow of foreign experts and professors as the Cuban government secures more foreign expertise. Students that graduate from the CINC will be encouraged to pursue further studies abroad, in the hopes of them eventually returning with an even higher level of expertise.

Unique to the Cuban economic system, BioCuba Farma will adopt a unique structure - by adopting the structure of a typical company, which will have a focus on developing new products and integrating a trading arm to sell the company’s developments abroad. The company will be allowed and expected to export medicines abroad for a profit to supplement R&D costs - though the government will retain the ability to adjust prices as needed in special cases.

BioCuba Production Plants

To minimize the effects of the economic embargo, Cuba will begin heavily investing into BioCuba Farma’s ability to domestically produce medications. These efforts will start with simpler medicines - such as painkillers and antibiotics, and gradually expand as production abilities and local expertise increases. To compliment this, the government will continue to purchase drugs from both Eastern and Western Europe to supplement domestic supplies until it is no longer needed.

May, 1972

Havana, Cuba

Cuba’s medical infrastructure has suffered serious setbacks in the last decade, having lost over half of the nation’s doctors to emigration since 1959, the current system remains in a sorry state, and requires a rejuvenation plan strong enough to set the foundation for generational growth and repair. Cuba needs doctors and nurses. However, Cuba also needs a massive investment into its science and technology base - the nation needs chemists, biologists, researchers, engineers, and everything in-between.

Preventative Care and Decentralized Clinics

The government will commit to a decentralized network of community clinics, and a series of smaller hospitals to cater towards communities of all sizes across the island. Working to support the focus on preventative care, community clinics will be found anywhere from the heart of Havana to far flung communities on the Sierra Maestra. Clinics will be staffed by Primary Care physicians who will be tasked to tending to the communities needs, educating them on preventative medicine, and redirecting more serious cases to larger hospitals when necessary. 

To staff such a large network of primary care clinics, Cuba will begin investing several million per year into expanding medical education, with a goal of reaching 95,000 doctors by 1985. With assistance from the Soviet Union, China, and some members of the Eastern Bloc, Cuba will approach the daunting task through a mixed strategy of sending students abroad, as well as importing medical professionals to staff a network of new Medical Schools. 

Throughout their education, students in Cuba’s medical schools will be encouraged to practice medicine in rural and underserved areas, and as capacity grows, the network will sprawl out from major population centers to even the smallest towns.

New Medical Universities and Expansions

With three major medical schools at the moment, Cuba will be constructing a further 12 medical schools, as well as 20 new nursing schools, the expansion of the three existing medical schools in Cuba, and building a new campus for the CINC that will be able to host 10,000 students, including a medical school of 3,000.

Construction of these schools will be prioritized by the government, and staffing arrangements will be expedited by inviting professionals from across the world to enable a rapid expansion of the medical capacity of the country.

New schools will be built in the following cities, with the other 3 being built between Havana, Santiago de Cuba, and Camaguey.

• Holguin
• Guantanamo
• Santa Clara
• Las Tunas
• Camaguey
• Cienfuegos
• Pinar del Rio
• Bayamo
• Matanzas
• Ciego de Avil

In 1048, Merchants from the Marine Republic of Almafi obtained the authorisation to build a church convent and hospital in Jerusalem from the Caliph of Egypt. Here they cared for pilgrims of any faith or race. The Monks that ran the Hospital became independent under the Founder, blessed Gerard.

On the 15th of Feburary 1113, the Knights Hospitaller became independent under the Holy See.

As the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other States of the Outremer were established, the Order took on the military Defence of Piligrims and Territory. As Christian Kingdoms and States in the Levant fell after 1291, the Knights went first to Cyprus and then to Rhodes.

Here, beginning in 1310, the Order became internationally recognised as independent and had diplomatic relations with many other States, under the Grandmaster and his Council. In 1523, Rhodes fell after Suleiman the Magnifcent successfully sieged it.

In 1530, the Order acquired Malta from the Holy Roman Emperor as King of Sicily. In 1565 the Island was defended from an Ottoman Siege, later participating in the Battle of Lepanto.

In 1651, four Carribean Islands were acquired but sold again in 1665.

In 1799, Napoleon attacked and took over Malta, exiling the Order, scattering the Knights, mostly to Saint Petersburg. In 1815, Malta was lost. Finally, in 1879, a Grandmaster was restored, remaking the Order as a humanitarian and religious Order.

Currently in 1972, the Orders Seats of Government are the Magistral Palace in Via Condotti 68 and the Magistral Villa on the Aventine Hill. Charitable and humanitarian Missions are the Purpose of the Order now, healing the sick and wounded all over the Globe, just like upon their founding, regardless of faith and race.

Source: Sovereign Military Order of Malta - Wikipedia

Alireza twiddled his thumb as the plane landed.

The main show of the event, Prince Turki, was right next to the cabin, stupidly standing up as the Boeing Jet rattled against the ground.

Prince Turki was somewhat of a black sheep in Saudi Arabia. Lacking sense and having a lot of emotion, Prince Turki loved the world. He shirked most of the normal Wahhabi tenets his society placed upon him. "Haram," this or, "Haram," that. "BITN'A BITN'A BITN'A!" Rules here, rules just everywhere. This swaggering hero made him, probably, the most liberal prince in the Saudi Kingdom, and his general lack of cares for the rules made him a perfect candidate to a Western audience.

After falling down and being helped up by his two aides, Mohammed Alireza soon stood next to him. He was getting the red carpet treatment, apparently, all funded out of House Saud's expense. And who were there on the tarmac waiting for him? A university news reporter with a gigantic camera, and the Dean of Harvard.

Alireza sighed as the doors opened and red carpet was unfurled. Turki waved to the audience before embarrassingly withdrawing his hand once he realized once he realized the size of the "crowd". Two royal guards stood by as he got down the stairs, and the Dean of Harvard quickly ran up to shake Turki's hand, sprinting up the 24 foot red carper, to lower the moment of this humiliation. Prince Turki realized he had no home here, nor even at home.

----

After registering under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, Prince Turki, Mohammed Alireza, and their respective aides began a small, private, tour of the top colleges of America. Touring, Harvard (Alireza's alma matter), Yale, Cornell, Princeton, Standford, Berkeley (another Alireza alma matter), and finally Princeton (which already has deep connections to the Saudi royal family due to their collaboration with the Five Year plans).

At all of these, Prince Turki (or rather more precisely, Mohammed Alireza) put forward the following list of agreements House Saud and these universities can make to deepen cooperation:

1. The establishment of a forum for all of Saudi Arabia's universities and the universities above to share knowledge and key findings to help improve Saudi Arabia's academic degree, facilitated by the Saudi Arabian Scholarship Association.
2. For the creation of an office attached to the Saudi embassy in Washington to translate English research into Arabic for Saudi Arabia to use.
3. For every university visited to earmark at least 5 spots for Saudi nationals to fill each academic year (Saudi students shall be paid for by the government), with more of course being available based on raw academic talent.
4. For the Saudi Arabian Scholarship Association to establish a representative to each of these universities, to not only facilitate proposal 1, but also to negotiate endowments and other agreements that can be reached between the university and Saudi Arabia.

Finally, these proposals are only meant for Harvard and Standford due to their existing connections with Saudi Arabia (heavy emphasis on "connections" for Standford here as they are literally helping to run to Five Year Plans we are doing):

1. Establishment of an office for the Saudi Arabian Scholarship Association off campus.
2. For the Saudi Arabian Scholarship Association to scout out jobs for students in STEM fields, specifically in petrochemicals, and offer them work or research opportunities in Saudi Arabia.

June 28th, 1972

Urho Kekkonnen, where to begin with him? Before entering politics he held very respectable jobs. He was a journalist, police officer, an athlete, and received education to be a lawyer. After those lives, he was elected to the eduskunta in 1936 and became the minister of justice. After the Second World War, specifically in the early to mid 50s, he was the prime minister of Finland, twice, holding the position for a total of 5 years. In 1956 he became the president of Finland where the race was very close, Kekkonen winning by only one electoral vote.

Oh, how those times have changed. Now he dominates Finnish politics. Except in 1956, no one has come close to beating him in a presidential race. He, no longer truly the eduskunta, decides how governments in Finland are formed despite not even having the official authority to do so. If he really wanted to one day, he could dissolve the eduskunta tomorrow and the parties wouldn’t blame him but each other. He has defined Finnish foreign policy, keeping Finland a neutral country. He has shifted Finland from passive neutrality like Belgium’s failed passive neutrality, to an active neutrality to ensure Finnish neutrality succeeds. So far active neutrality has been successful, not something that’s surprising, granting Finland a better economic and diplomatic position. For more than a third of Finland’s existence, he has been Finland’s leader in some way. Since the year 1950, Urho Kekkonen has been Finland, and Finland has been him. 

Today he spoke to parliament in an emergency session called by him. 

President Kekkonen: I have come to the eduskunta today to discuss one thing with you honorable gentleman. My term is set to end one and a half years from now. I am scared of it. Yes, me, scared. No, I am not scared that I will lose my income, my prestige, my luxuries, none of that. I am scared for what the next president will bring. Can they continue a positive relationship with the Soviet Union? Can they keep the nation secure? Can they, or will they do their best to keep the Finnish people prosperous? Even if they do, can they do all three at once like I have? Is it even worth the risk for a failure in one of those three worries? I believe it is not. I believe my presidency will and is making Finland secure, prosperous, and safe. Losing one of these situations we are in is unacceptable. Even if they are able to do all three I doubt they will be able to work with the Soviet Union as well as I have. To be frank, they trust me because of the rapport I have built up with them and my cooperation with them during my years as President of Finland. A new president wouldn’t be trusted as much as me. A new president would make the Soviet Union suspicious of Finland as they lose the man they have trusted and worked with for years, especially with our goal of increasing economic ties with the EEC. Think about it like this, would you trust someone you’ve just met with your life? Of course not! For those reasons I humbly request from the eduskunta, which represents our people, our nation, and our Finland, to extend my current term using the powers given to them in the constitution. 

He paused for a bit to see the eduskunta’s reactions.

First he saw distressed, shocked, and furious faces. Those parts of the eduskunta shared a common emotion, that being surprise. Kekkonen refused to be the president again after his current term. Sure, maybe he didn’t plan to run for president again, but to extend his term was still surprising. Even if Kekkonen had lied about not running for re-election and actually ran again, he could've just been elected again in 1974. So why request an extension in the first place? Did he think he was going to get less popular? Did he want to reform Finland into a dictatorship? Did he actually mean what he said? Why? These were the thoughts going on inside these representatives' heads. 

Then he heard claps. The Social Democratic Party had an amicable relationship with Kekkonen. In the 1968 presidential elections, the SDP had Kekkonen as their candidate. When they were listening to Kekkonen, they couldn’t help but agree, at least to a small extent. If they were mad about anything it would be about Kekkonen’s domestic policies, which at this point is not a problem as the Renewed Popular Front is greatly in charge of domestic affairs. This control appeared through showing their unity and effectiveness as they passed the UFPO Class bill and invested into Swedish areas. As a result they clapped during Kekkonen’s pause, also surprised like the others.

However it was not them who initiated the clap. Kekkonen’s own party, the Centre party, started clapping first. They didn’t believe Kekkonen was going to run for the presidency again, or even do this. Regardless Kekkonen was the Centre Party’s greatest asset, and to continue Centre Party governance would be a boon to the party and Finland. After all, where would the Centre Party be without Kekkonen? Consequently they clapped for Kekkonen, as well as for the Centre Party and Finland.

Kekkonen continued after the clapping subsided. 

President Kekkonen: I know this may take time to vote on, which is why I am prepared to wait until 1973 to actually have you, the great eduskunta, initiate a vote on it. Today I am here to announce my intention to extend my term. I also wanted you all to hear it first, as I believe you should be the ones to. That is all for today, thank you all for listening to me.

Kekkonen then proceeded to exit the eduskunta chambers. When Kekkonen called for an emergency session of the eduskunta, everyone expected a bill or an emergency, not a simple announcement. As he left there were more cheers and claps from the Centre Party and the SDP. There were also new jeers and boos from a very vocal minority in the eduskunta, namely from some of the National Coalition Party and the Finnish Rural Party. A certain Veikko Vennamo, arguably the most influential of Kekkonen's opposition, was the loudest, yelling...

Member Vennamo: You rotten autocrat! Is three terms not enough for you?! Go to hell you Soviet bootlicker! You are ruining Finland everyday you are in power!

Vennamo is the leader of the Finnish Rural Party. He ran for the presidency in 1968, when Kekkonen secured his third term and got 33 electoral votes. Finnish politics was far from stable before this moment when the government collapsed because of food subsidies. If Kekkonen got his term extension it would stabilize Finnish politics and allow for more competence at governing Finland. Ultimately in an ironic twist of fate, and like Kekkonen said, it is up to the eduskunta to decide by 1973.

TL:DR

Kekkonen announces his intention to seek a term extension. The vote will happen some time in 1973.

The SDP and Centre Party support Kekkonen’s proposed extension while some of the National Coalition Party and The Finnish Rural Party do not support Kekkonen’s proposed extension. The rest are either neutral or need to discuss the extension and decide on a position.

June 1972, Santiago

The Administration of Salvador Allende is aware of the pressures domestically which are inflated by meddling from abroad. The Nixon Administration in the United States, through various forms of economic coercion, has laid a difficult road for the "Chilean Path to Socialism." Even more difficult still has been the opposition that Allende's Administration and the Popular Unity Front have faced internally. The Christian Democrats and more right wing forces have consistently and successfully halted some reforms of the administration - a result that Salvador Allende blames on the lack of an absolute majority within the government. However, he has little illusions of winning over the Christian Democrats or further right wing forces. Chile's white elite hold no love for his vision. In turn, he is unwilling to compromise his position and that of the Socialist Party of Chile.

Allende's choice thus is to rally the indigenous masses, the working class, and the poorest farmers and further galvanize them in order to make increases in the polls. In order to do this Allende has begun leading the push for the Socialist Party of Chile to organize regional chapters of itself and decentralize itself from its concentrated base in Santiago.

In each of the sixteen regions of Chile, Salvador Allende has sent out representatives of the Socialist Party in order to establish regional chapters. Furthermore, by focusing on the regional and municipal levels of government, the Allende Administration hopes to maintain the dominance it first held in 1971 in lower levels of government. With a firm hold on these lower levels of government, the Socialist Party will have a base to expand its outreach and enact reform on a small but consistent scale.

Of course the opposition will not meet this lying down, and undoubtedly will send their own representatives across Chile to oppose Allende's grab at further support. Yet Salvador Allende is confident that his social and economic reforms, aimed at benefitting the poor masses, have garnered him a cemented base of popularity that he can hopefully expand just enough to gain a majority in the 1973 elections. Yet no matter the propaganda, or the posters, no matter the music, or the rallying cries - none of that will safeguard the "Chilean Path to Socialism" quite like solving the issue of the nation's economic chaos.

And yet Salvador Allende cannot step back from his reforms; doing so would enrage his very party and destroy his base.

So he must rely on numbers and populism to secure his government, for the time being. There is also a second reason that the Allende Administration has begun pushing for a more regional approach to rallying support and supporters. Allende, seeking to reign in the most extreme of the left wing forces within the country, has sent out party representatives to the regions of Chile with the aim of monitoring and competing against those leftist elements still outside the bounds of the Popular Unity Front. Parties such as the Popular Socialist Union must be brought to heel and into the fold of the Popular Unity Front.

The "Chilean Path to Socialism" will be safeguarded through a cemented approach; by popularizing the idea across Chile with party activism, it will become the default view in Chilean society.

(秘)女郎市場 | Maruhi: jorō ichiba | Nixon Shocks, the Sato Administration, and the Shadow Shogun

^{June-July 1972, Kasumigaseki, Tokyo}

“I myself have become the chief problem between Japan and the United States” - Henry Kissenger, New York Times

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Nixon Shocks, the Sato Administration, and the Shadow Shogun

TOKYO, 17 June, The feelings of resentment against Washington that had arisen in Japan in early 1971 have become thick storm clouds as Prime Minister Sato announced his resignation. The troubles between Japan and the United States go well beyond Mr Kissenger’s quips as Japanese animosity towards the “Nixon Shocks” have grown to fever pitch.

It had started a year ago when the Government of Prime Minister Eisaku Sato was violently confronted with Mr. Kissinger's first trip to Peking, China and the announcement that President Nixon would go to China for a discussion of détente between the United States and the Chinese People's Republic. Taking national security, and the mutual defence alliance with the United States as an article of near religious faith, The Nixon meeting was catastrophic to Japanese affections for the US President. Sato had thought himself in the President’s close circle having secured an agreement for the return of Okinawa with the United States, in 1969, and through which each Government committed itself to consulting the other before making foreign‐policy decisions that impacted on security in Asia. Make no mistake the issue was not in detente, nor the Nixon-Chou communique but by process and treatment of America’s most significant Asian ally. 

Compounding the issue was that Japan, at U.S. insistence, had been a staunch advocate for non-recognition of the Chinese Communist State. Sato himself had invested personal capitol into avoiding his Sino neighbours. This first shock was personal as much as it was national.

The second came just weeks later in the form of limitations imposed on imports from Japan and tough pressures for a revaluation of the Japanese yen. On August 15, 1971, President Nixon issued Proclamation 4074, in which he declared a national emergency and imposed a 10% ad valorem supplemental duty on all dutiable articles imported into the United States. To the Japanese this was a decision explicitly aimed at hindering Japan's exports to the United States.  The Administration had negotiated with the G-10 to resolve the monetary crisis and strongarmed Japan into the Smithsonian Agreement, including a 16.9% revaluation of the yen. 

For Japan the imposition of unilateral U.S. control of fiscal and monetary measures by Nixon, along with the suspension of the gold convertibility of the dollar caused massive internal pressure to build up on Sato. His approval ranking by mid 1972 has sunk to 19%. 

If there is one take away from Nixon in Japan it is that on 29 June, Prime Minister Sato was set to retire as Prime Minister, it is unlikely even Kissenger suspected this was a possible result of US-China detente. 

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TOKYO, 7 July 1972 —The four‐man contest for the presidency of the majority Liberal‐Democratic party — a position that will automatically make the winner the next Prime Minister of Japan — has concluded. Kakuei Tanaka has snatched victory and will lead the LDP to the next election. .

Voting for a successor to the 71‐year‐ old Eisaku Sato, who announced his retirement June 17 after seven and a half years in the Premiership, a record three term Premiership.

Intense factional jockeying and much high‐pressure vote‐soliciting by candidates or their backers has moved tens of millions of yen in various guises and promises of many kinds of political and material plums in return for support. Kakuei has proved a master of the LDP backrooms. 

The candidates for the leadership of Japan were Foreign Minister Takeo Fukuda, 66; Kakuei Tanaka, 54, the Minister for International Trade and Industry; Takeo Miki, 65, a former Foreign Minister; and Masayoshi Ohira, 62, also a former Foreign Minister.

Yasuhiro Nakasone, 54, a former head of the Defense Agency and now chairman of the party's executive board, was a candidate until a week ago, when he withdrew from the race and decided to throw his support behind Mr. Tanaka. A critical moment as he had been privately expected to support Sato’s nominated heir, Fukuda. Important to remember that this was not an election, this was party machinations - the LDP won a majority in the 1970 election and thereby holds Government under Japan's parliamentary system.

The selection of the party leader and Premier is, under the party rules, in the hands of the 431 party members with seats in Parliament plus one party representative for each of the 47 prefectures, a total of 478. The number of electors is small enough to enable campaigners to bring maximum pressure on each one of them. Every elector thus assumes importance in a close contest and is in a position to make maximum demands on those who solicit his support.

The top echelons of the LLDP is in fact more like a collection of 15 feudal clans or ‘factions’. Each has a leader/candidates, or otherwise influential power broker, slush fund of yen to enact their bargains and all maneuver for advantage.

Not at all dissimilar to samurai-era Japan, losers often are banished to the darkness of political no-man's-land.

All the candidates had agreed that problems such as environmental pollution, Japan's trade surplus, import barriers, high costs of land that make rentals and home ownership increasingly expensive, the need for better welfare services and more effective education need to be tackled with new energy.

The LDP platform was maintenance of the security treaty with the United States and friendly relations with Washington. China and the Soviet Union were more fluid but Sato’s insistence on non-recognition of China was seen as hindering the Party. 

Where Fukuda had been open to recognition, Tanaka has not said what he will do - merely that “the times have changed, Nixon did that himself.”

Tanaka as Premier has a strong base to launch his first six months on, enormous economic growth in Japan, the regaining of control over Okinawa and establishment of relations with South Korea. Most of the work on a second tranche of normalisation with South Korea has already been done.

What he will have to deal with though is day‐to‐day problems, rapidly rising cost of living, and bread‐and‐butter domestic and foreign trade matters.

Tanaka has brought in close advisors Taikichiro Mori, founder of Mori Building Company, and Hiroshi Yamauchi, a cutting edge toy entrepreneur. Both have brought Tanaka new insights into export needs, and technology prioritisation. Junichiro Koizumi, son of the former member for the 2nd district of Kanagawa, has been seen acting as Chief of Staff to the new Prime Minister. 

It is expected that Tanaka will name Fukuda, Miki, Ohira, and other senior figures to leadership positions - counter to standard practice. As a deal maker, Tanaka has a reputation as ‘the Shadow Shogun’. 

Revelations published in the press last week showed that the Liberal‐Democratic party, which has the backing of big business, received almost $30‐million in political donations last year, mainly from banks and business establishments. Tanaka has proved expert at moving this money in his favour. 

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Summary

Prime Minister Sato has resigned and Tanaka has won the race to be his replacement. Tanaka has wielded significant backroom finances to manage his elevation from Minister of Industry to Prime Minister. 

Throughout the campaign several things have become clear; 

• He will elevate his rivals (Fukuda, Miki, Ohira) to significant positions in his cabinet
• He has brought in new advisors Taikichiro Mori, and Hiroshi Yamauchi. 
• Junichiro Koizumi has been elevated from LDP senior staffer to Chief of Staff

Mostly as OTL with some new personnel in places. 

Sources

• Office of the Historian, Nixon and the End of the Bretton Woods System, 1971–1973
• Durdin, Tillman, Sato's Would‐Be Heirs Dealing for Votes, New York Times 1972
• Krebs, Albin, Eisaku Sato Ex‐Premier of Japan, Dies at 74, New York Times 1975
• Midori, Yoshii, The Creation of the "Shock Myth": Japan's Reactions to American Rapprochement with China, 1971—1972, The Journal of American-East Asian Relations, 2008
• Farnsworth, Lee, Japan: The Year of the Shock, Asian Survey, 1972

Habib Bourguiba has likely ruffled a deal of feathers in a recently made speech, where he denounced 'overly romantic' views of 'centralized Arab Empire'. He claimed that the vision, heavily implied to be Nasserism and Baathism, has failed the Arab people, and that 'measured steps grounded in reality' were needed to achieve the 'dream of a reunified, prosperous, and just Arabia'.

He proposed a two tiered plan to achieve this. First, the differing parts of the Arab World would integrate themselves by geography 'for what works for Tunisia does not necessarily work for Tikrit.'. Then once these blocs were built and integrated, barriers torn down, each could merge with one another over 'a long, valiant struggle lasting for generations, to benefit future generations'. In line with this thinking, he has proposed that the nations of the Maghreb, Tunisia, Libya, Algeria and Morocco, come first under a Magrebi Arab Customs Union (MACU) and Magbrebi Arab Industrial Union (MAIU). The first would extend free trade and common external tariffs among members (barring oil, perhaps), while the second would extend to industrial goods akin to the European Coal and Steel Community. Both, it is hoped, will lift all nations involved to be models for the Arab World.

He made a call to action to the leaders of these nations to establish these and more by the end of the decade.

5 Men Held in Plot to Bug Democrats' Office

Alfred E. Lewis for the Washington Post

In the early hours of Saturday, June 17, 1972 police were called to the Watergate Office Building. Police arrived at the scene at 2:30 AM and arrested five men who were apparently in possession of telecommunication equipment with intent to bug the DNC Headquarters which is located inside the Watergate Building. One of the men was identified as a former employee of the CIA and another was said to have trained Cuban commandos for the Bay of Pigs invasion. The remaining three men are native-born Cubans though how and why they tried to break into the Watergate remains a mystery. In court one of the suspects stood and loudly declared themselves as “avowed anti-Communists”. The other four nodded along in agreement.

According to a police statement the men had with them sophisticated equipment including devices capable of picking up and transmitting telephone conversations and all other oral conversations. In addition, police found lock-picks and door jimmies, almost $2,300 in cash, most of it in $100 bills with the serial numbers in sequence. What the intentions of these men were and who could possibly be behind such a puzzling scheme remains to be seen.

And in other news....

Rumors circle over the future of VP Agnew

Rumors continue to brew about the future fate of the Vice President here in DC. Lawmakers and bookies alike have expressed doubts over Agnew's future due to his rogue streak and rising popularity among conservatives. Nixon's aides expressed their displeasure at what they see as the Vice President's tendency to try and upstage the President. His hardline views apparently also extend to opposing the President's latest visit to China and the ongoing SALT negotiations with the Soviets.

The oddsmakers have staked out potential replacement candidates for the Vice Presidency with the conservative firebrand Governor Regan of California and Ambassador George H. W. Bush considered favorites. With the Democratic primaries underway the polls have constantly shown President Nixon with a considerable lead over any unnamed Democrat which raises the prospect that now would be the time to replace the VP on the ballot.

January, 1972.

Al Assad's tour took him to Tartus. The Mediterranean Coast of Syria has been the home of the Alawite community for centuries now. More moderate than their Shia and Sunni cousins, their openness had allowed them to engage with the French anf the Ottomans before them. While Sunnis wanted to go to prestigious islamic schools like the ones in Cairo or Riyadh, the sons of the Alawite elite wanted to go study in Paris, Berlin or London.

There was also the fact that Al Assad was an Alawite himself.

Radio Tartus: Modern music for modern Arabs.

While most Syrian media was owned by the State, the newfound Radio Tartus was a public-private project. The objective of most radio stations, newspapers and what few television channels aired in Syria was to simply disseminate government propaganda, Radio Tartus was allowed more freedom in its programming. If Faisal Ammar Al-Kilani is to be believed, negotiations over broadcasting rights are being held at this very moment with artists’ like Amr Diab, Mohamed Fouad and Assi El Hallani to air some of their most popular songs.

Faisal Ammar Al-Kilani has made public his intentions for the growth of the station, expanding its facilities not only in Tartus or the coast, but all of Syria. He has talked about inviting the artists for interviews or even collaborations with smaller Syrian singers and composers over time.

While most are sceptical, there is no denying that the growing Syrian middle class will appreciate a change from the monotonous government-approved broadcasts.

The Soviet Navy back during the initial War of Independence for Bangladesh had sent a detachment of ships from the Pacific fleet to help back the Bangladeshi independence fighters against Pakistan. While not formally entering the conflict, this show of force was important, which did unfortunately lead to the US sending a massive taskforce itself to the region, something we simply could not counter in the event of full-scale war. Thankfully, that never came

Since then, the taskforce has been in Chittagong, helping the Bangladeshi people with the de-mining of their most major port. However, given the current rise in tensions between India and Pakistan, who have backing from the Chinese, Soviet fleet command has been ordered back on high alert. While they will continue their current orders to de-mine, all fleet personnel have been warned about a potential new conflict.

In total, 12 ships of the taskforce are now being placed on high alert.